[2] The impact of Islam will not be discussed here since the study area is predominantly Christian.
[3]For the Igbo Cultural areas, see map 4
[4]Also Renee Pittin (1979 Appendix 1), points out in "Marriage and Alternative Strategies: A Career Pattern of Hausa Women in Katsina City" that there may be often 'selective remembering' in terms of historical documents. For instance, although myths of origin similar to those relating to those of Daura and Kano testify to her existence as the first ruler of Gobir, Tawa of Gobir's name is not found on any of the extant king list. Pittin goes on to argue that there may be a deliberate down playing of the importance of women's role in what came to serve as primary sources for historians. She suggests that this was the case, for example, in the Habe Kingdoms between the eleventh and twelfth century in present day Niger and Nigeria where with the spread of Islamic influence, women's political titles either fell into disuse or were adopted by men such as the title of Iya in the Katsina emirate.
[5]Zauzzau is the same as Zaria in present day Nigeria.
[6]The episode of the Ahiara expedition of 1905-1906 has been studied by Ekechi (1974) The Igbo Resistance to British Imperialism: The Episode of Dr Stewart and the Ahiara Expedition, in Journal of African Studies 1 (summer 1974:145 ff.). According to Ekechi's story of the incident in the book Tradition and Transformation in Eastern Nigeria (1989). Dr Stewart was believed to have been killed and eaten by the people of Ahiara Mbaise. The tragic incident seems indeed to have been triggered by sad memories of British brutality and overrule, Dr Stewart was captured in November 1905 having lost his way en route to Umuahia mainly as a protest of the military patrol sent to Ahiara earlier in March to crush Ahiara's persistent insubordination. By December 1905, other parts of present Mbaise and Obowo had joined the war against the British.
[7] The Women's War - In 1929, the Colonial Administration in Eastern Nigeria began collecting nominal rolls for taxation purposes following the successful collection of such taxes in 1928. Rumours spread that women were about to be taxed along with men. Since the previous count meant taxation, the present remuneration which included women and livestock sparked hostile reaction from them. Given the disturbing fall in the price of palm produce and general rise in the cost of living, women angrily asked how if included, they could afford the money to pay tax. The situation came to a climax in November 1929 when one Chief Okugo (a warrant Chief) in Aba division sent a school teacher Mark Emeruwa, as his agent to compile the list of men and livestock in all Oloko compounds. When Emeruwa confronted one Madam Ojim, who was preparing palm oil, passion flared. Their confrontation led to physical assault which triggered off the 'Women's War'. The revolt spread through Aba division to Owerri, Bende, Degema and into Ibibio land. See also Mba N, (1982) Nigerian Women Mobilized and 'Heroines of the Women's War' in Awe (ed.) (1982) Nigerian Women in Historical Perspective, Lagos.
[8]Ekechi op cit. p. 28
[9]See population estimates in Green & Rimmer, Nigeria since 1970.
[10]Eluwa G. I. C. et al (1988) p. 61
[11]This estimate covers the Mbaise.area as they lie within the Igbo heartland.
[12]The Nri are regarded throughout Igboland as sons of Eri (Eri is a legendary figure regarded as the creator of the earth) and they inhabit what Forde and Jones regard as the Northern Igbo. see map 3. Traditional tittles in Igbo Society can be grouped into four main categories: (i) symbolic titles or those emanating from acquisition of wealth; (ii) those awarded due to heroic achievement, (iii) honorary awards and (v) ascribed or titles of institutionalised social force origin. The Duru and Ozo titles are status symbols among the Igbo. Its legitimacy I suppose was enhanced if conferred by the Nri since they are the direct descendants of Eri. An Ozo man had diplomatic immunity as he moved from one area to the other. see also Henderson, R. N. (1972) The King in Every Man, (London), and Amadiume, I. (1987) Male Daughters, Female Husbands.
[13]The 1962 census figures were reject. There has been no reliable figure since then. Most figures in use today are only projections based on the 1962 census.
[14] Polygamy was a normal practice for men in traditional Igbo society, a status symbol. It was possible for wealthy men to have as many as twenty wives.
[15]The civil war was between the federal Republic of Nigeria on one side and the Igbo of eastern Nigeria on the other who wanted an independent Biafra state. 16 Economic Commission for Africa Report 16, 1974.
17 Enid Schildkrout 'Widows in Hausa society' in Potash (ed.) (1986). See also Ronald Cohen (1971). In his study of the Kanuri of Northern Nigeria also provide data showing how widowhood is related to divorce and remarriage. Cohen notes that in high-divorce societies widowhood is infrequent.
[18] NNAE: Owerri DIST 10/1/3, Annual Reports 1938-Owerri Division by Cook, A. E. 4.
[19]The courts were located at Oke-Uvuru, Nguru, Ekwerazu, Ezinihitte and Aboh. In 1926 for example, the Nguru native court which served the present Mbaise had handled 818 criminal and 473 civil cases. (Ekechi 1989:151). 215 of these cases were matrimonial civil cases. But the particulars of these cases are not available to me. The number of these cases which concern widows are therefore difficult to determine.
[20 ]See for example Talbot (1926) Peoples of Southern Nigeria Vol. III ,Meek (1937) Law and Authority in a Nigerian Tribe, Basden) Niger Igbos (1938), Leith-Ross African Woman, (1939), Uchendu The Igbo of Southern Nigeria,(1965), Van Allen (1972), Ilogu, Christianity and Igbo Culture (1974) , Umeseagbu (1977) The Way We Lived: Igbo Customs and Stories, Ubesie (1978) Odinala Ndi Igbo- (Igbo Customs), Amadiume Male Daughters and Female Husbands,(1987) Nina Mbah (1992) Nigerian Women Mobilized.
[21] Potash (1986) op cit.
[22] Nwoga I. D. (1989)"Widowhood Practices in Imo State" Paper presented at the Workshop on Widowhood Practices, Owerri Nigeria.
23 Widow no. 5
[24] Widow no. 8
[25] Dr Nzewi -Paper presented at the Workshop 'Widowhood Practices in Imo State', Owerri 1989. She made a comparative survey of widowhood practices in four cultural areas or zones in Imo state. Her paper made a survey of both the patrilineal and matrilineal communities in Imo State. She identified the differences and similarities in the practice for each zone.
[26] Meek, C. K. (1931): A Sudanese Kingdom , (London).
27 Basden, G. T. (1931): Niger Igbos, (London)
[28] Nwoga (1989) Widowhood Practices in Imo State.
[29] Titles include Ozo, Duru, Nze) Also see Henderson (1972) The King in Every Man, Amadiume (1987), Male Daughters and Female Husbands for more on traditional Igbo titles and rituals associated with them.
[30] Afigbo A. E. (1989) "Widowhood Practices in Africa: A Preliminary Survey and Analysis" Paper presented at the workshop 'Widowhood Practices in Imo State, Owerri, Nigeria.
31 "Orie" is one of the four market days in Igbo calendar. The others are Afo; Nkwo, Eke. In Igbo cosmology, each market day has a particular significance. In most Igbo communities marriages are not performed on Eke days. They are regarded as days belonging to the evil spirit. This is also observed today.
32 Umuopku-Patrilineal daughters. They are also called Umuada.in other dialects.
[33] These are women who were married in the Church. 34 Widow no. 4
35 Widow no. 2
[36] By pan-Igbo, I mean all practices that are similar for the different cultural groups found in Igboland. 37 Onyenobi L. A.- Memorandum to the Co-ordinator of the workshop on Widowhood Practices in Imo State, Owerri, Nigeria, April, 1989.
[38] Widow No. 44
[39]Njaka (1975) Igbo Political institutions and Transition. p. 260. He sees women's organisations as one of the minor counter balancing agents. Njaka sees the Umuada in particular as toothless bull dogs..
[40]Widow no 5
[41]Widow No. 7
[42]Afigbo (1989) Widowhood Practices: A Preliminary Survey and Analysis..
[43]Cited by Afigbo (1989 ) Ibid.
[44] Singular form of Umuopku (patrilineal daughter).
[45] Widow No. 2
[46] Period of ritual seclusion when the widow is seen as unclean and must not have contact with other people. see Ubesie, T. (1979) Odinala ndi Igbo (Igbo Customs).The book deals on general Igbo customs and Traditions.
[47] Basden, G. T. (1966) Niger Igbos: pp. 278-279.
[48] Talbot (1967) Tribes of the Niger Delta pp. 225-230
[49] Widow No. 1
[50]Widow No. 2
[51] Christianity came into most parts of Igboland in the late 19th century. See Isichei E., The history of Christianity in Africa: From Antiquity to Present.
[52] In traditional Igbo Society, bad bush or evil forest were places where things associated with abominable acts are thrown into. In some cases, it is a portion of the forest which has been dedicated to a certain spirit and where all abominable materials are thrown into: such as twins, lepers, mothers who died in childbirth. This is no longer allowed. The term abomination is used to describe what appears unnatural to the Igboman.
[53] Memorandum to the Workshop on Widowhood Practices, August 1989.
[54] This is a ceremony associated with the Ahiajoku or Yam cult. Usually performed before the new yam is harvested.
[55] Basden (1966): p.278
[56] Male informant 1
[57] Widow No. 4
[58] The one closest to the dead person. This is usually the widow for a man.
[59] Talbot (1906) (1926) op cit. p.474
[60] Ibid. p. 468
[61]Afigbo (1989) Widowhood Practices. p. 15. Juju in this context means evil spirit..
[62] Young palm fronts. They are usually used for sacrifice and other rituals. When put in a farm land, or put across a road, it indicated that no one should enter such a farm or place.
[63] Basden G. T., op cit. p.275
[64] Widow No. 44
[65] Basden op. cit. p.291
[66] Afigbo A. E. 'Some Aspects of the History of Ozo' in Nigeria Magazine No, 146, 1983 pp. 21-22
[67] Afigbo, A. E., (1989) op. cit., p. 17
[68] Widow No. 63
[69] Second burials are usually performed after one year. It marks the end of the official mourning period. It is also at this ceremony that the final purification rites are performed which include burning of the mourning dress.
[70]This ceremony was performed to make the deceased 'smart' in his next re-incarnation. (see also Meek Law and Authority in a Nigerian Tribe p. 305.
[71] Same as Umuada (patrilineal daughters) 72 Uchendu (1994) "An overview of Igbo Marriage system" 1994 Ahiajoku Lecture Colloquium, Owerri.
73 Ibid.
74 Ikenga- Igbo symbol of authority.
75 Ekwensu-the evil messenger of the god.
76 Agwu-shrine used for sacrifices to the god.
77 See Nwoga, I. D., (1980) "Igbo Concept of Family: A Literary Perspective". ANU, Cultural Division, Ministry of Information and Culture, Owerri, Imo State, Nigeria. All the vernacular names in italics are names of local deities in Mbaise.
78 Traditional dance group popular among the Mbaise. It is both used for entertainment and social control.
[79] Ofo is a sacred ritual object. In Igbo, traditional religion, it has the same significance as the Bible. It is usually held by the oldest man in a kin group. It thus represents truth and uprightness especially when handling what concerns the kin group as a whole. 80 Ritual slave. This practice has been prohibited by law in the 1960s, but in practice marriage outside ones social group has not been possible. The cast system is found among, Mbaise, Owerri and some other cultural groups in Igboland. This is not a pan-Igbo practice. Ngwa areas for example do not have Osu cast.
81 Nzewi, notes that except in some matrilineal sub-groups such as Ohafia, Afipko and Bende Igbos where marriage with close consanguineous relatives is permissible, in others, it is regarded as taboo. Nzewi's survey of widowhood practices in this area shows that it varied for women depending on whether they are from the matrilocal family system or not. This has to do with widow inheritance, remarriage and property rights.
82 The official bride-wealth in the former Eastern Region by legislation is Sixty Naira. In practice however, the amount depends in most cases on the social status and level of education of the bride.
[83] This was a traditional marriage between men and their teens, but the Igbo also had child-marriage.
[84] Transfer of money as bride-wealth must have been a new development. Pre-monetary Igbo society used goods and services ranging from farm crops, domestic animals and labour for the brides family. 85 Yam deity. worshipped by devotees in a celebration before the yam harvest begins.
86 Uchendu, op. cit., (1965) p. 50
[87] See Thomas (1914:83-85), Talbot (1932:93), Meek (1937:275), Uchendu (1965:50). Amadiume (1987). 88 Uchendu, op cit.,
89 Nkuchi Nwanyi -to take over a woman
[90] Male informant 1
91 Male Informant 3
[92] Widow No 7
[93] Widow No. 19
[94]Male informant 2
[95]Male informant 1
[96]Male informant 5
[97]Widow No. 44
[98]Widow No. 15
[99]Widow No 62
[100]See for example Ekechi (1989) Transition and Transformation in Eastern Nigeria.
[101] The institutions of step-parents, adoptions and foster homes do not exist in the Igbo society in the western notion of these concepts. 102 See Enid Schildkront's study of widows in Hausa Society.
[103] Widow No 37
[104]Widow No. 36. A similar view was uttered by widow 42 also.
[105]Widow No. 44
[106]Widow No 67 107 Ulo-a man his wife and children. This represents a nuclei family in the Western sense of family.
108 Usekwu-This comprises a woman with her children in a polygamous family. This does not include the man and the other members of a man's household from other wives. In this sense, the man's other children are not members of each unit or usekwu.
109 Nwachukwu, C. C., (1989) 'Labour and Employment in the Traditional Igbo Society', in Igbo Economics, 1989 Ahiajoku Lecture Colloquium, Owerri, p.9.
110 Ekechi, F. K.,(1988) op. cit., p. 183
111 Ekechi, ibid. p. 183
112 Ottenberg, (1959) Changing Economic Position , p. 215
[113] Central bank of Nigeria Annual Report. (1979)
[114] See Omiyi, S., (1980) 'A critical Appraisal of the Legal Status of the Widow under the Nigerian Law' in Women and Children Under Nigerian Law. p. 74
[115] Omiyi, (1980) Cited Obollo District Court, Suit No 29/59 and Nsukka County Court of Appeal.
[116] Extract from a 1988 land dispute from the records in the Palace of the Traditional Ruler of Ihitteafoukwu in Mbaise.
[117] Suit No. CCAH/59/89.
[118] Omiyi, ibid. Quartey v Nartey (1959) GLR 377. 119 Elias op. cit., p. 159.
[120] Male informant 2
[121] Cited by Eze and Nwebo,(1989) op cit. Uboma v Ibeneme (1963) and Nezianya v Okagbue (1967).
[122] See Wanderlich G., and Bireman, G. S., 'What do you mean by Ownership' in U S Dept. of Agric. 1959 Year Book. p.287. Quoted in Wigwe op. cit., p.44.
[123]Male informant 2
[124] Wigwe cited., op cit., 'Nigerian Law Report No. 24' pp. 55-60
[125] Chubb, T. L., op. cit., p. 9.
[126] The oldest man interviewed could not recall when. He said that his great-grand father had the lands which he still cultivated. It passed to him and from his ancestors.
[127] Nwabueze, B. O., (1972) Nigeria Land Law, Nwamife Publishers Ltd. Enugu, p. 2.
[128] Wigwe, G. A., `Igbo Land Ownership, Alienation and Utilisation in Igbo Jurisprudence: Law and Order in Traditional Igbo Society: Papers presented at the 1989 Ahiajoku Lecture Colloquium Owerri, Nigeria. p. 34.
[129] Chubb, L. T., (1961) Ibo Land Tenure, Ibadan, Nigeria.
[130] Echeruo, M. A., A matter of Identity. 1979 Ahiajoku Lecture, Owerri, Nigeria.
[131] Wigwe, op. cit., p. 35
[132] Ibid. p. 35.
[133]Widow no 1
[134] Green and Rimmer (1981) Nigeria in 1970 p. 70
[135] Leith-Ross, S. (1939) African Woman
[136] Wigwe op cit.
[137]Widow no 36
[138]Widow no 38 139 Ekechi, op. cit., p. 813.
[140] See for example J de St. Jorre, The Nigerian Civil War (1972) and John Stremlau, The International Politics of the Nigerian Civil War (1977). Nigerian Politics and Military Rule (1970), ed. S. K. Panter-Brick is a useful analysis of the immediate prelude to the conflict.
[141]Male informant 2 142 Widow no. 28
[143] Widow no 36
[144]Widow no 2 145 Potash, B., (ed.), Widows in African Societies: Choices and Constraints, p.27.
[146] Widow No. 1
[147]Widow No 63
[148] See for example B. Dobson, "Women's Place in East Africa" Corona, Vol. no. 12 (1954), pp. 454-57; M. Hunter, "The effects of Contact with Europeans on Pondo Women" Africa, vol. 6 (1933), pp 259-76; Iris Andreski's Old Wives Tales (New York 1970) revives and repeats these ethnocentric stereotypes.
[149] See Mbah's account of the Women War in Nigeria Women Mobilized. See also Leith-Ross's assessment of the potentials of the Igbo woman in African Woman.
[150] see Judith Van Allen "Aba Riots or Women's War: Ideology, Stratification and the Invisibility of Women" in Hafkin & Bay (ed.) Women in Africa : Studies in Social and Economic Change, Stanford, (1976) pp. 59-85.
[151] Ibid., see also Landbery's study of Swahili widows in Potash (ed.) (1989)